(This is my last article in this space prior to the elections of May 10, 2010.)
(I am not sure if I would have either time or inclination to submit one on May 10, after I had come from the voting precinct, Based on founded fears, it is possible that I may have to line up for hours just to cast my vote and feed the ballot into an uncertain fate, placing blind trust in the PCOS machines that some smart guys of Venezuelan origins and their local patrons assure us will count our vote accurately and faithfully. Oldtimers in the Comelec tell me that at best, only half of the 1,000 voters in clustered precincts will be able to cast their vote before the close of the polls. Which means by the time I get back home, I may either be too tired, too angry, too emotionally distressed to be able to put down my thoughts on the keyboard of my faithful laptop.)
By all statistically scientific indications, a bandwagon has formed around the person of Benigno Simeon Aquino III, whom destiny has fated to become the 15th President of the Philippines.
In 1986, I supported his mother Corazon and her vice-president, Doy Laurel. I was an active part of that campaign, beginning my political odyssey in the lobby of a Washington DC hotel, thence Boston, then back home. When Ninoy came home only to meet his fatal appointment with martyrdom, I was at the NAIA to welcome him with streamers and banners proclaiming, for the UNIDO I helped organize, “Ninoy, Hindi Ka Nag-iisa”. In the aftermath of the people power revolt that catapulted Noynoy’s mom to the presidency, I was appointed Postmaster-General of the Bureau of Posts, to preside over a humongous bureaucracy of close to twenty thousand men and women.
In 1992, I did not support Cory’s choice for president, Fidel Valdez Ramos. I did not trust a military man to become president, so soon after the bitter memories of martial law. I was spokesman of the Mitra-Fernan campaign, which eventually lost out to a Ramos-Estrada win. It was too close to call, and in the end, FVR squeaked through a slim majority which Miriam Defensor Santiago, to this very day, disputes.
In 1998, Erap Estrada went to my adopted hometown of Butuan City, lunched in my place, and forthwith drafted me into his campaign. He won overwhelmingly, in part because FVR chose a candidate unable and unwilling to depart from the quintessential trapo mold. FVR won because Mitra and Danding were viewed by the voters as very traditional politicians, but when he became president with a slim majority, he bedded with trapos of all stripes in a rainbow coalition to push through his legislative agenda. It would seem, by his choice of Jose de Venecia, that FVR had embraced traditional politics, eaten up by a system of entrenched political patronage. Estrada thus won, overwhelmingly by comparison to the poor showing of Joe de V, yet still short of an electoral majority. He got more than 39% of the total vote in a field of seven candidates.
In 2001, for so many reasons too long to detail in this article, (and which I hope I would be able to put together in a book, or many books I have so long wanted to finally write down), Estrada fell from power. I was in the seat of political power then, in Malacanang as Erap’s adviser for political affairs, concurrent with being Philippine Toruism Authority CEO.
What was instant hope for good government in the hearts and minds of those who helped Gloria Macapagal Arroyo ascend to power, turned sour days after she entered the gates of the stinking palace beside the stinking river. By the end of 2002, so badly damaged by accusations of corruption and divisiveness, she swore in front of Gat Jose Rizal’s monument that she would not seek election in 2004. I never took her word for it, and I was proven right in October of 2003, when she declared she would run. By then she had ensured the conscription of Ronnie Puno and his operators, and further, the services of that salamanquero of the Commission on Electoral Cheating, Virgilio Garcillano. Nothing, absolutely nothing, would deny her another six more years in Malacanang.
I chose Ping Lacson in 2004, in part because of a fear that the inexperienced FPJ might be putty in the hands of the same cabal of whisperers who hounded Erap’s court, and foreboding that the king of Philippine movies would, like his buddy Erap, be unable to transcend the attitudes and habits built around a lifetime in show business. I had unfairly judged the late cinema icon, because subsequent to his death, close friends who chose to support him convinced me that he would have been quite different from the Erap I observed at close range in Malacanang. But I do not at all regret supporting Lacson, in whose disciplined mind and uncompromising reform agenda I conjured visions of a Filipino Lee Kuan Yew.
Last year, in June of 2009, Lacson threw in the towel on yet pre-campaign positioning for the presidency of 2010, unable to even hope to match by ratio of 1 to 10 the huge campaign treasure chest of a Manny Villar, who had by then re-defined the contest in terms of money and money and more money. I was convinced by Chiz Escudero after a series of brainstorming sessions to hop into his political wagon, amazed at the store of knowledge, the street-smart sense of the public sentiment, the idealism of youth, and communication abilities second only to the late Ninoy Aquino.
But it was uphill, again because Villar had defined the political contest in terms of an obscene amount of required spending. Meanwhile, providential game-changer entered the scene. Cory Aquino, the icon of our democratic space, died after a lingering illness. And the public outpouring of grief overwhelmed everyone, and touched every heart except those of the malevolent and the greedy. I wept like most everyone who appreciated the enormity of what this frail and reluctant leader had achieved for the nation in her lifetime.
In much the same way that the death of Ninoy ushered in a public cri de coeur for Cory to run in the snap elections, his mother’s death in turn revived images of the heroic struggles of 1983-1986, turning into a public clamor for Noynoy to run.
In time, young Chiz, barely 40 (the age limit for those who would be president), decided to bide his time, bowing to political and logistical realities, and in part because he hated to stand against bosom friend Noynoy. It was clear to both Chiz and me at the end of November that we would end up supporting Noy. It was only a matter of time, unwilling to volunteer services in what seemed to be a full house of able assistants. But as fate would have it, I could not resist the call to service, impelled in great part by the need to prevent another Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, her re-incarnation or assign or look-alike in terms of amorality, from abusing the nation any further, and in part by the sincerity I saw in the son of Ninoy and Cory.
I had written against genes being determinant of leadership choice. I have always questioned the theory of the “leader class”, and dislike dynasties based on some kind of hereditary right, rather than merit. But it is not Noynoy’s genes that matter. It is his upbringing that I admire --- the ability to discern between what is intrinsically wrong and immoral, and what is indubitably right. And in the short period from February 15 when I officially got on board along with the return of Serge Osmena, when the chips seemed to be falling down on what was heady start, I got further glimpses into the quintessential Benigno Simeon Aquino III. Two weeks earlier, Chiz Escudero’s media staff had been volunteered into Noy’s campaign. I brought with me some of Ping Lacson and Escudero’s trusted people.
A personal dilemma was whether to continue writing this column. In the past, I would always disengage from writing whenever I would actively work in a national campaign. This time, I chose to violate my own rule of propriety. I apologize to my readers for that, but I thought that somehow, my essays would contribute to the effort to stop those who should be stopped, for the sake of the nation and my children and grandchildren’s future. Those who have faithfully read my articles in this paper and our sister publication Abante would appreciate whereof I aver.
I shall no longer enumerate why I am for Noynoy. These have been evident in the thread of several articles. Let me just state that in these desperately parlous times, TRUST ought to be the most important determinant of leadership choice.
Would you trust Manny Villar with your future, and that of your family’s? Would you trust someone who has duped the Bangko Sentral, duped the Senate, duped the DPWH, duped the Unified Housing Loan Program and the housing agencies of the Republic, manipulated the BIR and several unnamed judges and the land registration authorities, and abused the powers and prerogatives of an elect of the people, for another six long years at the helm?
Would you give former President Joseph Estrada another turn at the bat, after sterling promises turned into dross realization of the human failings of his leadership? Would you entrust the nation’s fate once more to him?
Who would be in the best position to undertake reforms in a system so corrupted by a decade of perpetual abuse? A decade of institutions rendered ineffective by corruption most gross and most pervasive? Sure, the cleansing will take time, given the checks and balances of democracy, given further the not-too-easily dismantled transactionalism between the executive and legislative, and the rooted flaws of our present judiciary. But we must begin.
And only Benigno Simeon Aquino III can lead that new beginning.
But let me add a postscript. The evils that hold sway will not go away too easily. Already, the automated election system had been discombobulated, and our worst fears suddenly become true.
Nonetheless, we have to march into May 10 and beyond with utmost resolve. It is like 1986, when we put our blind trust in Divine Providence.
Which is why I call on all those yet undecided, torn between Noynoy’s relative inexperience versus the lack of character of those who oppose him. Decide on the side of the right. Shed your indecision and go with the bandwagon for the beginnings of meaningful change. Likewise do I call on those who would support men and a woman with good intentions but unable to capture the public imagination, with no more wind behind their forlorn sails. Join too the bandwagon for change, not as a surrender to political reality, but more to add your vehemence against the system into a solid block of immovable obstacle against the enemies of change.
Let us give the clamor for change a clear and convincing majority vote. Let us impress upon the whole world that as a people, come May 10, we elect to change a system so perverted by corruption and ineffectiveness. And thus strike fear upon the hearts even of those so hardened by the spoils of corruption.
Remember --- we owe it to ourselves, our children, our collective future.
(
banayo_at@yahoo.com)
LITO BANAYO
MALAYA Column for Friday, 07 May 2010